Religion and politics

Discourse or sermon calling for the preservation of the union. Discourse preached in the Federal street meeting house in Boston. "Published by request." "Boston: printed by John Wilson and Son, 22, School Street"--Title page verso. FAU copy pages loose, all edges trimmed (to 23 cm).

The current study sought set to replicate and extend previous findings regarding Norris and Inglehart’s (2004) “Secure Society Theory” (SST) of religiosity, which states that religiosity varies as a function of the extent to which one feels secure in their environment. However, the relationship between individual perceptions of societal security—as opposed to national indicators—and religiosity has yet to be tested. The current study addressed this by analyzing data from the General Social Survey, supplemented by FBI and U.S. Census data. Results indicated that the extent to which one feels safe walking around their neighborhood at night is a significant predictor of religiosity, even when crime rate, poverty rate, age, sex, and race are also considered. Additionally, time series analyses of data from 1980 to 2012 with a lag of 10 years provided partial support for SST, with neighborhood fear and poverty significantly predicting future religiosity.

This study is a literary and ethnographic examination of The Vision of Theophilus, a fourth century Coptic narrative, as influential counter-narrative and source of counterdiscourse against the narrative created by the historically dominant Egyptian Arab Muslim state. It shows that The Vision has provided the Copts with the means to articulate their identity as different from their oppressors through its function as a repository of Coptic ideology, history and knowledge. Specifically, it has helped them resist the erosion of those aspects of their cultural identity targeted by colonial practices through its promotion of the Coptic language, pride in Coptic history, and Christianization of the landscape. This study also suggests that The Vision tradition has helped alleviate the conditions of material and economic oppression of Copts. Drawing upon theories of Foucauldian genealogy and postcolonialism my research examines the development of Coptic identity and subjectivity in relation to assimilation practices. Using oral studies and ethnopoetics, this study traces the process of composition, transmission, stabilization and systemization of The Vision over sixteen hundred years and its dispersion over a wide geographic region from Egypt to Ethiopia, Syria, and the US. My research suggests that the resilience and effectiveness of The Vision as oral tradition lies in the stability of its core message and its ability to absorb and adapt peripheral changes to the needs of each given historical period. Close analysis of this core message as gleaned through comparative manuscript study also supports important revisions to its datation, and enables us to claim its Coptic authenticity. Previously, the only academic scholarly work concerning The Vision centered on its diffused Syrian and Ethiopian variants while its Coptic manuscript history remained largely unknown.

Researchers sometimes classify religious organizations as rational actors, arguing that religious organizations attempt to minimize costs and maximize membership. Anthony Gill and Erik Lundsgaarde use the rational actor model to explain organized religion's diminished competitiveness and the correlated increase in secularity against governments with high social welfare programs. They conclude that government welfare programs contribute to increased secularity. Survey data indicates that Chile, Cuba, and Uruguay have significantly higher proportions of secularity relative to the rest of the region. This thesis tests the hypothesis that increased secularity in Chile, Cuba, and Uruguay is caused not only by Gill and Lundsgaarde's social welfare hypothesis, but also by the historical presence of far left parties in these nations. The ideologies of longstanding far left parties are often anti-religious and may contribute to increased secularity, suggesting that leftist parties may be a predictor of increased secularity in a country. Welfare, as times passes, becomes a stronger predictor of decreased religious behavior.

The current use of the phrase "wall of separation" between church and state as a legal defense for the removal of religious expression (particularly Protestant Christianity), i.e., religious expression, from governmental institutions and the prohibition of the free exercise of individuals working within them goes contrary not only to the original intent of the Founders and the Framers but also to the religious, political, and legal history and traditions of the United States of America. The abundance of historical evidence reduces the colonial contentions to three: 1) no legal establishment of one sect of Christianity or another religion as the national religion; 2) no legal prohibition against the free exercise of religious conscience of any religions, especially minority ones; 3); and no taxation of the citizenry for the support of a legally preferred religion. The application of these three prongs of the "historical test" will reduce litigation, minimize judicial vacillation, and uphold the principles that precipitated the Establishment and Free Exercise Clauses of the First Amendment.

The surge in granting equal rights to gays and lesbians in the United States is remarkable. Yet with this surge comes a conflict : the civil rights of gays and lesbians against the rights of religious individuals, predominantly Christians, refusing to tolerate a behavior they think immoral. My thesis focuses on two hypothetical situations : a county clerk refusing to issue a marriage license to an engaged lesbian couple and an inn owner refusing a night's stay to a gay couple. In both cases, the clerk and inn owner refuse service for religious reasons. Normatively, I argue that we must move beyond a framework of toleration to a system of equal respect and understanding of our fellow human beings. Legally, I argue that the rights of religious expression and exercise should not trump the civil rights of gays and lesbians in the public sphere.

In his book Rendering Unto Caesar, Anthony Gill suggests that in countries with repressive authoritarian governments, religious competition plays a crucial role in determining whether the dominant religious institution will support or oppose the regime. Gill's theory, however, assumes that religious institutions are unitary rational actors. While this assumption may be reasonable in Catholic countries of Latin America where Gill based his theory on the hierarchical National Bishops' Councils, it is not applicable to Sunni Islamic countries of North Africa because of the decentralized Sunni Islamic religious structure. This finding suggests that although religious actors behave rationally in the religious market to maximize the souls for their religion, not all religious actors necessarily view the same religion and its role in the politics of the society in the same manner: in some cases, intra-religious competition is a larger factor in church-state relations than inter-religious competition.

Despite the fact that when surveyed 92.4% of the Venezuelan population self identified as Catholic, a large swath of Venezuelans stand Pentecostalized. Pentecostalization in Venezuela seems to take the form of growth in the Catholic Charismatic Movement. The study shows Châvez gained a majority of those whose self identified affiliation is evangelical as well as a majority of those who hold Pentecostal beliefs. The relationship between religion and voting patterns in the 1998 Venezuelan Presidential case has not been explored. The study does this, concluding that although Venezuela is by and large Pentecostalized, a desire in political and governmental change was the most salient reasons for Venezuelans when they voted for President in 1998.