Democracy

This study examines the impact of Christian religiosity on attitudes toward social safety-net policies over the past three decades in the US. The study used data from the General Social Survey on social safety-net policy preferences and levels of Christian religiosity. Simple cross tabulations, correlations and multiple regression analysis were used to assess the data. Contrary to previous related research, the results of this study indicate that Christian religiosity has a very weak association with opposition to social safety-net policies. At the national level, the relationship between Christian religiosity and attitudes toward social protection policies was largely mediated by other factors such as race, gender, education, family income, and political ideology. These results indicate that Christian religiosity per se does not independently influence social spending preferences. Instead, these results suggest that social divisions in socioeconomic standing and in political ideology, which in turn are closely related to differences in support for social protection policies, permeate American Christianity. The study also examined the relationship between Christian religiosity and social protection policy preferences among Hispanic and Black Americans separately. Although Hispanics and Blacks are generally more supportive of social spending in comparison to White Americans, Christian religiosity was not found to have a strong independent effect on support for social safety-net policies among these two groups. The study did find, however, a markedly different level of support for social safety-net policies among identifiable Christian groups at the national level and in the Hispanic-American population.

By now, a vast literature has attempted to answer the question of whether democracy is conducive to economic growth. The empirical side of the literature has not come to any consensus on this issue. My thesis examines Argentina's economic and political history from 1960 to the present, including particularly volatile episodes with many military regimes. Specifically, I attempt to contribute to the democracy-growth literature by examining whether Argentina's level of democracy affected its economic growth. Controlling for a number of factors, I construct an econometric model that focuses on GDP as the dependent variable and democracy as the independent variable of interest. I claim that there is no correlation between Argentina's economic growth and its level of democracy.

Democracy promotion is an important tenet of United States foreign policy. However, U.S. democracy promotion efforts are conditioned by geopolitical concerns, economic goals, and security interests. This thesis analyzes the impact of U.S. foreign policy in Chile, Colombia, El Salvador and Nicaragua. Evidence from these cases suggests that United States foreign policy has contributed to the growth of unhealthy or pseudo-democracies in Latin America because frequently the policy reinforces the political and economic power of entrenched elites or the military. These groups, whose interests more closely align with U.S interests, are often uncommitted to supporting policy that promotes human rights and equitable distribution of wealth and power or that demands universal political liberties. Democracy is promoted rhetorically rather than in practice, and consequently is unresponsive and illegitimate. Future democracy promotion efforts by the United States, if they are to be successful, must overcome this illegitimacy by compensating for the conflicts that conditioned democracy produces.

From 1974-1990, more than thirty of the world's authoritarian regimes transitioned to democracy in what Samuel Huntington terms the third wave. Sixteen years following the conclusion of the third wave of democratization, the Castro regime remains the official government of the Cuban state. I examine what factors led to the continued existence of the Castro administration. Several factors account for the prolonged tenure of the Castro administration. Fidel was able to increase his political power through the monopolization of information. The ability of the Castro regime to maintain authority was further exacerbated as a result of the country's dependence on Soviet financing, the repositioning of a weakened Catholic Church, contradictory foreign policies of external actors such as the United States, and a powerless civil society.