20th century

Paule Maurice (1910-1967) is the little known composer of Tableaux de Provence: Suite for Saxophone and Orchestra, one of the most frequently recorded and studied classical saxophone compositions in history. A more in depth study of Paule Maurice reveals a talented composer and dedicated professor whose career at the Conservatoire National Supérieur de Musique de Paris and l'Ecole Normale de Musique de Paris spanned over twenty-five years until her untimely death at age fifty-seven. Maurice composed for theatre, ballet, French National Radio, orchestra, voice, piano, flute, clarinet, and saxophone. There is question as to the whereabouts of many of her manuscripts. This thesis attempts to bring to bear the life and accomplishments of a talented French composer not well remembered in music history.

In 1919, the Soviet filmmaker Dziga Vertov declared a "death sentence" on fictional films. Vertov championed his own unique method of non-fiction filmmaking, called Kino-Eye, which is based on Vertov's ideas regarding truth in cinema. Although he does not write specifically about Vertov or film, the philosopher Nelson Goodman offers a contrasting view of truth in general. By comparing the Kino-Eye method to Goodman's philosophy, we can better understand Vertov's radical ideas and see more clearly how the concept of cinematic truth has changed over time.

Since the 1960s Latin America has experienced a religious transformation, with several countries developing significant Protestant populations. These religious changes have influenced the political processes of several Latin American nations, playing a prominent role in elections and the formation of political platforms. Several theories attempt to account for the recent growth in religious pluralism, particularly social anomie theory and religious market models. These theories ignore or downplay the role of conflict between the state and civil society, especially violent confrontations between the government and the Roman Catholic Church. This study focuses on four case studies with varying amounts of church-state conflict and differing religious pluralistic growth rates: Colombia, Guatemala, Haiti, and Southern Mexico. This study finds that church-state conflict serves as a catalyst, and in some cases a useful predictor, of growth in religious pluralism.

Early twentieth-century Ireland was the setting of a complex political situation dominated by overlapping social, ideological, and ethnic conflicts. A group of working-class nationalists led by James Connolly attempted to fuse the class and national struggles, incorporating elements of nationalist cosmology, Marxist teleology, syndicalist trade-union practice, and the cultural militarization of Ireland's "physical-force" tradition. This thesis critically examines their hybrid theory and revolutionary praxis. With its analysis of the failure to realize an independent, socialist Ireland, it contributes to broader discussions of the relationship between nationalism and socialism, and the ability of these theories to address cultural heterogeneity.

In the American creative nonfiction genre, the line between fact and fiction is ever-blurring. Two novels which strive for realness and are thematically related in their focus on a cause célèbre and the death penalty, Truman Capote's In cold blood and Norman Mailer's The executioner's song, offer clues that might help approach the question of what makes a specific work fall under the category of creative nonfiction. I analyze the creative techniques that the authors use in their novels, and I consider details from the texts about the activeness and reliability of the narrators in the two books, as well as consequent political implications. Additionally, I ground my examination of these novels in a discussion of the progress from the early novel's drive for realism to twentieth-century literary journalism.

The presence of music, especially in the form of freedom songs, is a notable constant in the American Civil Rights Movement of the 1950s and 1960s. Participants sang spirituals and freedom songs everywhere in the South - at mass meetings, demonstrations, and in jails. An engaging and participatory activity, singing unified, empowered, and historicized activists, allowing everyone an opportunity to be included in the action. Without these songs, the African-American communities across the South may not have been able to band together to become such a force for change; while the activists were the facilitators for progress, the songs were the inspiration. Freedom songs democratized the Civil Rights Movement, enabling the participation of ordinary people at a grassroots level, therefore creating a strong mass movement.

The Black Panther Party was the most famous group born out of the Black Power Movement. Because of the group's inherent link to the Black Power Movement, and the group's slogan of "Black Power," many people, both black and white, believed, and continue to believe, that the Black Panther Party was a group with racial motives. However, this conceptualization of the Party was, and is, incorrect. While the Black Panther Party began as an outgrowth of the black civil rights movement, the Panthers quickly evolved into a revolutionary vanguard with a non-racial, class-oriented agenda.

Throughout the twentieth century, the Seminole Tribe of Florida has experienced unprecedented changes to their culture, independence, and economic position. They began the century as subsistence based people with few rights to the land, and they ended the century with substantial political power and economically prosperous enterprises while maintaining their tribal status and identity as Seminoles. In the twentieth century, the Seminoles confirmed their historical role from the nineteenth century as having never been defeated, but rather than achieving this image through war acts, as they did in the nineteenth century, they created a new role as being culturally and economically indomitable. This aspect of Seminole history has been largely ignored in the narrative of Florida's history.

Democracy promotion is an important tenet of United States foreign policy. However, U.S. democracy promotion efforts are conditioned by geopolitical concerns, economic goals, and security interests. This thesis analyzes the impact of U.S. foreign policy in Chile, Colombia, El Salvador and Nicaragua. Evidence from these cases suggests that United States foreign policy has contributed to the growth of unhealthy or pseudo-democracies in Latin America because frequently the policy reinforces the political and economic power of entrenched elites or the military. These groups, whose interests more closely align with U.S interests, are often uncommitted to supporting policy that promotes human rights and equitable distribution of wealth and power or that demands universal political liberties. Democracy is promoted rhetorically rather than in practice, and consequently is unresponsive and illegitimate. Future democracy promotion efforts by the United States, if they are to be successful, must overcome this illegitimacy by compensating for the conflicts that conditioned democracy produces.

The relationship between the United States and Panama had been a precarious power struggle from 1821 until the Canal Zone reverted to Panamanian control in 1999. In 1903, the United States aided Panama in seceding from Gran Colombia, and both parties signed a treaty allowing the United States to build a canal. The Panamanians were concerned with the sovereignty of the Canal Zone and wanted the Panamanian flag to fly alongside the U.S. flag in the Canal Zone. On January 9, 1964, Panamanian students rebutted by marching the Panamanian flag into the Canal Zone and rioting broke out. This thesis explores the impact of this violent occurrence in light of the fact that the U.S. media glosses over it, whereas, together with other international events following the riots, it prompted the revision of the canal treaty. Subsequently, a new treaty was signed in 1977, becoming effective almost a hundred years after the creation of the Latin American country.