Political aspects

This is an ethnographic study of a self-regulated Internet site that facilitates illegal female prostitution in South Florida. The purpose is to identify the social and economic characteristics of the site that can contribute to acceptable prostitution reform. The members of the site appear to sustain an orderly and mutually respectful exchange of sexual services for money, suggesting that certain social and economic features of this form of transaction diminish barriers otherwise present in typical forms of contemporary prostitution exchange. The study evaluates the thesis that when commercial sex is conducted in an open atmosphere of respect, trust and mutual understanding, within certain economic parameters, the beliefs and practices that stigmatize prostitutes and prostitution are neutralized. Evidence was generated through extensive observation of an online venue that approximates what prostitution would be like if open market exchange in sexual labor did exist. These data are supplemented by interviews with participants of the online community. Features of mutual respect, trust, and understanding, characteristically absent in traditional prostitution venues, appear to be part of an emerging community phenomenon that facilitates prostitution online. Thus, this study engages with the larger scholarly position that normalization of sex work is necessary for successful prostitution reform. This community utilizes a non-legal enforcement mechanism to facilitate cooperative exchanges based on establishing trust between participants. At the center of the cooperation system is a reputation mechanism that fosters trust between potential partners by encouraging participants to post honest reviews of their encounters with each other.

The purpose of this study was to examine and describe the relationship between a school's percentage of African American students enrolled and the placement of an African American principal for all of Florida's K-12 traditional public schools during the academic year 2010-2011. This study also sought to determine if this relationship was moderated by each school's level, size, letter grade, socioeconomic status (FRL), gender of principal, as well as gender and race of the presiding district superintendent. Lastly, the relationship between each moderator variable and the placement of African American principals was examined. The ultimate objective was to determine if limited opportunities still widely exist in the placement of African American principals throughout Florida. ... From a legal perspective, although Brown and its progeny of civil rights laws valiantly set out to eliminate race and racism from schools and in the workplace, the findings revealed that race continues to be a factor in determining inequity in principal placements.

Democratic forms of government are either consolidating democratic institutions or unraveling into authoritarianism in the former Soviet Union. Among the possible causes of each success or failure to consolidate democracy is the character of civil society and its cultural proximity to long-standing, modern state-based, consolidated democracies of the West. What impact does Western or Westernized media have upon the indigenous civil societies of Eastern Europe, and is this impact sufficient to consolidate democracy among the states of the former Soviet Union? As case studies, Eastern Europe contains two states, Estonia and Russia, where democracy has either succeeded or failed alongside the presence of exogenous cultural influence in the form of Western or Westernized television broadcast media. To what extent does the presence of Western broadcast media and associated cultural memes predict the iv consolidation of democratic political values, and how ought any impact of these memes be interpreted in the light of modernity, Eurocentricity and cultural hegemony? To account for the impact of exogenous cultural influence, foreign policy prescriptions that encourage the growth of indigenous, mimetic, democratic civic culture would appear to be an effective means of supporting democracy in the emerging democracies of Eastern Europe.

In the past two decades the tendency to view migrant communities as victimized, without agency, or oppressed has been challenged by the new rhetoric of "Diaspora". The recent formation of Diaspora movements globally suggests that these groups of migrants are not just financial remitters but are organized, visible collectives that influence the geo-political status quo in many ways. ... Utilizing qualitative methodology in conjunction with the analytical lenses of social movement theory and the rhetoric of movements, the study addresses the gaps in the literature on Diasporas by exploring the factors that contributed to the formation of the Jamaican Diaspora during the years 1962 to 2011. ... Moving even beyond our conceptualization of movements, this study also connects Diasporas to the notion of publics. Migrant communities, like the Jamaican Diaspora, negotiate global and local terrains, operate as self-organized publics and form new public spaces in which a common identity goal and imagination connects and motivates strangers.

Recently, empirical attention has been directed toward understanding public opinion about gun control laws. Despite this focus, three gaps are evident in extant scholarship. First, few current examinations have relied on recently collected, national data to explore predictors of public attitudes. Second, relatively little work systematically investigates whether type of weapon bans (e.g. handgun versus semi-automatic weapon) affects public support for a given gun control initiative. Third, and importantly, the general focus in prediction support for gun control measures has been on social and demographic factors. Little is known from a theoretical perspective about how other variables - such as knowledge of Constitutinal issues or perceptions of the U.S. Supreme Court - affect public attitudes toward gun control. Using national poll data collected in 2011 by Time magazine, this study addresses these research gaps by estimating several logistic regression analyses. Research and policy implications are discussed.

The proposed study intended to identify the public education agenda and the success of implementation of this agenda of four Presidents: Ronald Reagan, George H.W. Bush, William Clinton, and George W. Bush. In addition, the study aimed to indentify if any of the above listed Presidents can be categorized as charismatic leaders as defined by Charismatic Leadership Theory and if this categorization can be linked to the determined success or failure of the agenda implementation. This was done using two research methods, document and content analysis, on such documents as presidential speeches and writings, speeches and writings of the Secretary of Education, biographies and autobiographies, editorials from three major newspapers, writings from people working closely with the Presidents, writing of political analysts, and writing of Senate and House majority leadership. The study found the education agendas of the four presidents, and those education items that were passed by Congress. The study also found that Reagan, George H.W. Bush, and Clinton were found to be Charismatic Leaders, while George W. Bush was not. A conclusion was made with this data that there were no connection between Charismatic Leadership Theory and the passage of presidential education agendas.

This study explored the work of nursing and the social influences of eugenic policies established during the Progressive Era (1890-1930) on the writing and passage of the Social Security Act of 1935. The research questions: "Did eugenic philosophy and practice influence the Social Security Act of 1935 in relation to Maternal Health Policy?" and 'What was nursing's influence on the Social Security Act of 1935?" required the social history research method. Data were evaluated with the conclusion that eugenic policies did influence the writing and passage of the Social Security Act. Also, that nurses, and other women, played a specific, important and constructive role in developing the Act. During the late 1800s and early 1900s prominent leaders of business, science, philanthropy, and social reform supported the eugenic agenda to assure the wellbeing of hard working "Anglo-Saxon" American citizens. Industrialization and scientific advances in medicine gave Americans the impression that the "production" of healthy, intelligent children could be controlled, efficient, and predictable. Better breeding as a means for social improvement, which fueled the eugenics movement's use of science to solve social problems through governmental involvement, had two sides. Positive eugenics increased information on health and illness prevention, and established well baby clinics; however, negative eugenics advocated controlled reproduction through sterilization of persons considered "unfit." By 1935, twenty-eight states had eugenic sterilization laws. Noted reformers during this time (Lillian Wald, Jane Addams, and Florence Kelley) worked with Presidents Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson to establish the Federal Children's Bureau. The Bureau had a direct influence on the maternal and child health policy established by the Social Security Act of 1935.

In this study, DiMaggio and Powell's (1983) institutional model of isomorphic change is hypothesized to explain the changes witnessed in educational organizations with regard to the acceptance, implementation and institutionalization of distance learning. In order to show the power of institutional theory in explaining organizational change over time, a comparative qualitative case study methodology is utilized. Document analysis and interviews are used to explore the utility of this isomorphic change model. Each research question seeks to explore different influences of institutional isomorphism, coercive, normative, and mimetic. DiMaggio and Powell (1983) suggest organizations converge on similar practices and behaviors and appear similar to like organizations over time. The appearance of change toward homogeneity is explored through the isomorphic change theory which indentifies three forces, coercive, normative and mimetic, influential in determining how adopted behaviors and pr actices become isomorphically accepted by the organizational field. Coercive isomorphism stems from political influence and organizational legitimacy, often conveyed through laws, regulations, and accreditation processes (or outside agency requirements); normative isomorphism is associated with professional values; and mimetic isomorphism is copying or mimicking behaviors that is a result of organizational response to uncertainty. By examining the organizational field for the presence of these forces and measuring the extent of these forces at various points in time one is able to explain convergence on regularized practices and institutionalized behaviors, or how an organizational field becomes institutionalized, around a particular idea or practice.

In 1993, a group of unionized bedside nurses took control of their state nursing association. In 1995, they disenfranchised themselves from the American Nurses Association, which historically had billed itself as - THE voice of the profession of nursing. This study utilizes a case study format to look at who they are, what their intentions are, and what their vision is for the future of the profession. Twenty questions were submitted to key participants identified by the California Nurses Association (CNA). The questions were organized into three main areas: the period leading up to the disenfranchisement, the period of growth after the takeover up until the historic passage of the ratio laws and whistle blower protection, and the period after the passage of the laws wherein the association began a national movement. This movement continues to evolve, and in December, 2009, the CNA (now the National Nurses United) became the largest nursing organization in the country. As the title of the study implies, one intention of the study is to look at the implications for the profession of nursing and the inevitable political implications for the national healthcare debate. Another purpose is to introduce this group to the academic and professional nursing communities, which until now have largely ignored them. Still another purpose is to lay out a blueprint for other state nursing associations who may wish to empower themselves, to analyze the process by which this group has grown to political prominence. No other nursing association has been able to duplicate their political success. Finally, the study raises many crucial questions which nursing academics and nursing leaders must address if nursing is going to able to utilize our only real political power, the power of numbers. Uniting the field, or at least growing the association to significant numerical strength, is the only way nursing can become an equal partner in the national healthcare debate.

This thesis provides a rhetorical analysis of the Western representation of the Kosovo conflict and its resolution in the year 1999. By reviewing political, scholarly and media rhetoric, the thesis examines how the dominant narrative of "genocide in Kosovo" was created in Western discourse, arguing that it gained its persuasive force from the legacy of the collective memory of the Holocaust. Using the framework of Kenneth Burke's theory of Dramatism and Walter Fisher's theory of the narrative paradigm, this thesis aims to understand how language, analogy and collective memory function in rhetoric to shape audience perceptions and guide political and military action. The study illustrates the mechanics of the operating rhetoric by analyzing two primary sources, the rhetoric of U.S. President Bill Clinton and British Prime Minister Tony Blair.