Department of Political Science

Many approaches to the study of leadership have been limited
to trait studies and patterns of race relations, neglecting on the
whole the intra-group approach. Leadership may be present in a subcommunity
or in an associational group when no political structure or
formal decision-making position exists. When the political culture
dictates the non-existence of an unassimilated minority group which
comprises less than one-third of the voting population, a member of
that group has less than a remote chance of achieving electoral
status. In that case, sub-community institutional forces (churches,
schools, businesses, clubs) may give rise to a form of leadership
which responds to the unmet needs and demands of the community. The
emergent leadership becomes a function of the group and only after
group needs and objectives are defined (articulated) do traits become
important as they propel the individual into position. It is, therefore,
necessary, if not sufficient, that the group perceive its leaders
to be leaders.

This experiment was an extension of the SMH, and Vincent-Tindell games. The major purpose was to investigate the effects of two different
ratios of shock on escalation-de-escalation ancl other aspects of aggressive-cooperative behavior. In one condition (inequality) one player
began game play with 6 shocks, the other player began with 18 shocks. In
the other condition (equality) both players began game play with 13 shocks
apiece. Players were allowed to purchase additional shocks or surrender
any number of shocks. Forty-nine game play variables were generated, representing indices of aggressive or cooperative behavior. The relationships of these variables to additional independent variables such as game plan, grade point average, and attitudinal scores were also examined. The findings of this experiment indicate that the balanced (equality)
conditions tend to generate more purchasing behavior and a higher overall
level of aggression. The unbalanced (inequality) condition however,
generated more extreme forms of behavior. Those with 18 shocks were generally more aggressive than all other players, and those with 6 shocks (inequality) were generally more cooperative than all other players. These findings conflicted with the results of the previous Tindell-Vincent game, but it seems that the addition of the purchasing option radically altered the effects of treatment condition. Sex was found to be a good predictor of game behavior. females were generally more cooperative and less active than males. Game plan and, to a lesser extent, attitude scores had predictive value for several responses, but grade point average, as expected, was a poor predictor of game behavior.

There are many theories in the field of international relations
that relate the level of aggression in the international
system to the distribution of power among nations. Unfortunately,
most such propositions are difficult to validate or refute in the
real world for which they were formulated. For this reason an
experiment was devised which attempted to east two such conflicting
positions, "balance of power", and "preponderance of power",
into testable form. The experimental paradigm employed was a modified version of the
two person mixed-motive game developed at the Systems Analysis
Corporation, Santa Monica, California. Fifty-four subjects participa
ted in the experiment. Twenty-seven subjects were placed into
each of three treatment conditions: "balance of power": "moderate-inequality
of power"; and "preponderant-inequality of power". In
the "balance of power" condition all subjects were allotted twenty
shocks. In the "moderate- inequality of power condition" one subject
received twenty- five shocks while his dyadic partner received fifteen
shocks. In the "preponderant-inequality of power" one subject
received thirty shocks while his dyadic partner received ten shocks.
All subjects played a total of fifteen games. A count was made
of each subjects responses on eight game-play variables which were
viewed as indices of cooperative or aggressive behavior. Additional data were also gathered with respect to each subjects sex,
academic aptttude and attitudinal attributes. The purpose of the
additional data was to identify variables, other than the treatment
condition, affecting game behavior. Thus, facilitating future
experimentation. The results of this research indicate that balanced situations
tend to produce more cooperative non-aggressive behavior, while imbalances
of power tend to generate less cooperative and more aggressive behavi.or. In addition, a balanced situation, when compared
to the imbalanced situations, was found to increase the likelihood
of participants never employing shock capabilities. Both this experiment
and a pilot experiment found de-escalation cycles diffficult
to instigate and unlikely to develop from natural causes.
Finally, attitudinal, sex, and SCAT data did not appear to be meaningful factors in explaining game play. However, post-experiment
sample data indiciated these factors must receive continued attention
in future research.

The present research examines the proportions of the general expenditures of the nation's largest cities allocated for various functions of government. It is the intent of the research to determine whether the difference in proportions allocated to these functions may be predicted in terms of demographic and socio-economic attributes of the cities. Essentially, the research will be concerned with determining the degree of correlation between the dependent variables (the allocations) and the independent variables (the attributes) and explaining as much of the variance in the subject's spending patterns as is possible.

This research attempts to delineate the communications patterns
within the Florida House of Representatives of 1967 in its deliberations
concerning the issue of education. To accomplish this goal, a
questionnaire was personally administered or mailed to all 119 members
of the House. A return rate of 51.3% (61) was attained. The bulk
of the questionnaire items were of a sociometric nature.
To map the communications of the House, ten specific hypotheses
were tested. These hypotheses concerned the relative importance
of particular types of legislative actors and groups in the communications
patterns of both parties. Administrative officials were also
included in the analysis. The rationale for these hypotheses
concerned the variables of age and/or size of the respective parties
and were based upon the history of Florida politics. All ten
hypotheses were based upon the contention that, as in other organizations
and decision-making groups, in a legislative body there would
exist a "practiced" communications pattern distinctly different from
the "formal" organizational pattern. The pattern which emerged from the analysis revealed that
members of both parties relied upon a small number of education
experts or specialists for information, regardless of the experts'
formal positions. The Democrats did not consider their party leadership
to be an important information source while the Republican caucus
--and through the caucus, the leadership--was a strong source of
voting cues. With the exceptions of Dade and Pinellas counties,
intra-delegation communications did not appear important in either
party. While Democrats did not rely upon any Republicans for information,
the Republicans did rely upon some Democrats (the experts}.
No geographical splits were apparent in Democratic communications.
The Pinellas Republicans were somewhat isolated from east coast
Republicans in the information flow.
The communications pattern between House members and
administrative officials focused upon cabinet members. Republican
Governor Kirk was most generally listed as an information source
by Republicans while the Democrats relied for information upon
Superintendent of Public Instruction Christian. Legislative staffs
were identified as information sources by members of both parties.

The theory of a dualism in a moving consensus, as a
covariance in the party's outlook on major governmental
issues, is explained in the introduction of the paper.
It is illustrated by the most noteworthy example, the
convergence in attitudes of both parties on the importance
of governmental aid in economic And social areas after the
Great Depression. The importance of developing parallel
examples of interparty dualism on other issues is presented
as the goal of the paper.
The utility of the party platforms as the most
suitable continuous documents available for the measurement
of issue covariance is supported by a brief description of
their historical background and the political processes
involved in their completion . It is proposed that with the
party leadership determining the process of their adoption,
they are the best indicators of party attitude on major
issues.
Three platform hypotheses are presented to test the
dualism theory. The first hypothesis tests the covariance
of subject matter which each party develops in the major
issue areas of the platforms, to prove that they are in
agreement on the importance of the same problems. The
test of the second hypothesis requires the proof of a similar covariance of attitude toward these issues. The
third hypothesis is a test to eliminate the factor of being
in or out of power as the prime determinant of a party's
attitude toward major issues, rather than the dualism in a
moving consensus which slowly changes a party's outlook.
The background and methodology of content analysis is
developed to show its application to the first hypothesis.
The coding of the units of content on six major issue areas
and their subsequent statistical correlation validated
this hypothesis on the covariance of subject matter in the
platform8. The technique of the Q-sort is explained as a
measurement of party attitudes on the issues of Big Government
and Interventionism. Correlation of Q-sort data from both
parties on these issues did not support the second hypothesis.
The data failed to show a dualism in party attitude similar
to that found in subject matter. When the third hypothesis
was tested by Q-sorting it was rejected because it indicated
that a covariation of attitude toward the two issues is
correlated with the parties' change in control of the
presidency. It is therefore concluded that the theory of
a dualism in a moving consensus does not extend itself to
cover the issues tested . Instead it was indicated that
the condition of being in or out of power is the main fa ctor
in the formation of party attitude on the issues.

The history of the development of the party newspapers is
reviewed in the first chapter. The goal of the research was to
attempt to discover the uses and goals of state political party
newspapers.
Five propositions were proposed which would accomplish
this aim. The first proposition was to discover the extent to
which the state party paper is used to extend the publicity of
the state chairman. The second proposition was to discover to
what extent the party newspaper is used as a tool in finance and
fund-raising appeals. The third proposition attempted to reveal
to what extent the state paper is used to extend the publicity of
the incumbent governor. Proposition IV sought to ascertain
whether or not a party not holding the governor's office openly
criticized the state opposition party, while the incumbent party
merely spoke of its own accomplishments while neglecting the
opposition. The fifth, and final, proposition attempted to
ascertain whether less populous state Republican party papers were
more apt to relate themselves to the national Republican party
and administration.
The research method of content analysis was discussed
and the methodology used in this study was explained. The scores
for nine content categories were compiled and the findings from
a one-issue analysis of sixty-two papers confirmed Propositions
I-IV. The fifth proposition was disproven. A time analysis of six selected papers was performed and
these findings confirmed the findings of the one-issue analysis.
Furthermore, this analysis proved the existence of patterns of
column-inch space allocations in a state party newspaper.

This is a study of the impact of constituency pressures on
the United States House of Representatives in the Eighty-seventh
Congress. It is an attempt to measure by quantitative methods
the relative effectiveness of pressures on congress from the
various types of constituencies normaily associated with one party
or another. Political pressure is defined here as a force which
brings about distinctive patterns of voting behavior on the part
of the representatives. whether the force is applied through conventional
forms of coercion or through the appeal of loyalties and
ideologies. The two sources of pressure which are the major concern
of this research are the representative's party affiliation and
his constituency. The former is held constant while the latter
is permitted to vary in order to observe more closely the differing
impact of certain constituency pressures on members of the Democratic
and Republican parties.
The dependent variable in this study is party loyalty
which is the per cent of the times a congressman voted with his
party on a set of one hundred and fifteen party unity roll-calls.
These roll-calls are those on which a majority of one party opposes
a majority of the other party. The independent variables are gross
measures of broad demographic, socio-economic, and political characteristics
of congressional districts. The theory is that these
factors reflect significant differences between the Democrats and
Republicans with regard to electoral centers of support. Consequently, it is hypothesized that variations in a congressman's constituency
would be related to variations in legislative voting
behavior as measured by party unity roll-calls .
The step-wise multiple regression technique is the means
of testing the major proposal. It indicates that a proportion
of the variance in party loyalty can be explained by variation in
constituency. But the proportion explained for the Democrats
(34.7%) is much greater than that for the Republicans (11. 8%).
The threshold concept is proposed as an explanation for this. It
is also suggested that new research is needed to clarify the types
of constituencies most likely to associate with the two major
parties.
Thus, the theory that constituency pressures can explain,
to some extent, legislative voting behavior has been tentatively
validated. However, the findings indicate that a more complex,
multi-variate, theory of legislative behavior is needed before
accurate predictions can be made. Therefore, the constituency model
must be expanded to include other factors such as psychological and
institutional ones.

This dissertation answers the question of what the proper balance is for victims with respect to the formation of a truth or truth and reconciliation commission that is formed to address the aftermath of an authoritarian regime or armed conflict. A review of the historical operation of entities that have operated in the aftermath of authoritarian regimes and armed conflict is conducted in this dissertation. From the Nuremberg and Tokyo trials to the present day, nations have struggled to try to devise a systematic way to deal with the aftermath of harm caused to victims as a consequence of authoritarian regimes and armed conflict. An examination of the various past truth and reconciliation commissions, the International Criminal Court, and various treaties is here juxtaposed with the Colombian Justice and Peace program implemented a decade ago to bring about peace and reconciliation in Colombia. This dissertation concludes that an entity formed with the purpose of achieving the proper balance for victims of an authoritarian regime or armed conflict, must have a truth-telling component that works in tandem with a specialized court conceived with the objective of operating alongside the commission. Thus, while there is a punitive aspect, the focus is more on the relationship between the events, solutions, and relief provided for victims. An entity with such a focus has various components, including truth-telling and some form of sanction or punishment, but always with the betterment of the past, present, and future victims as well as the subject society or country as its priority. In that vein, a set of proposed flexible guidelines are presented as the culmination of this dissertation. The flexible guidelines proposed here set forth a balanced system between the commission and the court that will provide for both punishment and reconciliation for particular countries and the victims.